Black Ghetto of Cleveland

piece most sours in Cleveland remained poor, Kusmer comments that at the end of the Civil War, "a enlarged minority of Cleveland's black population had an aura of midsection class respectability," a trend which continued during the early post-war period during which most habitual facilities were integrated.

1870-1915 The Beginnings of Ghettoization

The black community in Cleveland remained small but grew from 1300 in 1870 to 8500 in 1910 (10). In the meantime, the white population grew sevenfold, as the local anaesthetic economy industrialized rapidly bringing with it a necessity for cheap white immigrants from Europe who poured into the area. Many blacks also migrated to Cleveland, to making water the p everywherety of the post-Reconstruction period in the South. The established black elect did well in selected occupations such as, for example, barbering. However, employers gave job preferences to the white immigrants. During this period, blacks suffered more(prenominal) than white immigrants from disagreement in areas such as restaurants, hotels, unskilled facilities and home purchasing. The schools and hospitals remained integrated.

According to Kusmer, "the white press paid teensy-weensy attention to the city's black community" (57). As the city veritable and transportation improved, blacks were increasingly confined to the East Side of townspeople while whites and upper class blacks moved to outlying areas. Tensions grew amid the black and white underclasses be

While some black leaders, such as Booker T. Washington, worried self-help and black solidarity, and others, such as W. E. B. Dubois, emphasized the struggle for well-behaved rights, black leaders in Cleveland took "a basically orthodox view of social change" (153). Even though discrimination against blacks rose, interracial violence was then recountingly rare in Cleveland which "marked it as exceptional among northern cities" (64).

1930. Urbana: U of Illinois P, 1978.

Kusmer demonstrates that thither was no real mystery why a large black ghetto developed in Cleveland which was largely a production of the economic pull of the North and the manipulation of economic forces and the relative ignorance of many blacks by the white power structure. This included the co-option of many of the black businessmen and professionals, who tended to accept white middle class values and aspirations. This pattern of cultural submission goes a long way toward explaining why blacks in Cleveland failed during this period to fork up into meaningful political and economic power their growing come and uneven prosperity.

The 1920s saw an outbreak of racial discrimination in housing and many (but not all) public facilities and a rise in racial tensions. Kusmer says "the abolitionist heritage of Cleveland's sometime(prenominal) was rapidly being supplanted by its discriminatory present" (178). The locomote prosperity of the 1920s trickled down to blacks as well as others but blacks were largely confined to unskilled occupations, unemployment among them was high and black women were largely confined to the home and servile occupations. The white public life to the suburbs accelerated. Blacks began to experience "a mounting sense of despair over the rising tide of racism and consolidation of the ghetto" (235).

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